Network. DuBois reviews Booker T. Washington (2023)

The most influential public criticism of Booker T. Washington's policies of racial reconciliation and incrementalism came in 1903, when black leader and intellectual W.E.B. Du Bois published an essay in his anthologyblack soulEntitled "By Mr. Booker T. Washington and Others." Rejecting Washington's desire to avoid disrupting race relations, Du Bois instead called for political power, respect for civil rights, and higher education for black youth.

Do Sr. Booker T. Washington und Outros

slavery from birth to death;

In short, in action, unmanned!

Hereditary Hunter! You do not know

Who will be free when he must strike?

Byron

Arguably the most impressive event in African American history since 1876 is Mr. Booker T. Washington. It begins at a time when memories and ideals of wartime are quickly fading. A day of amazing commercial development drew near; a sense of doubt and hesitation weighed on the children of the free men - and then their guidance began. Men's. Washington came up with a clear plan at a time when the country was a little ashamed of showing so much affection to black people and focused on the dollar. Its programs of industrial training, southern reconciliation, and obedience and silence for civil and political rights were not entirely original; from 1830 until the war, free blacks worked to found industrial schools, and the American Missionary Association first taught various trades; Price and others sought to forge honorable alliances with the finest Southerners. But sir. Washington was the first to inextricably link these things; he poured enthusiasm, boundless energy and flawless conviction into the project, transforming it from a shortcut into a real way of life. The story of his approach is a fascinating study of human life.

After decades of bitter lamentation, the nation was stunned to hear a Negro defend such a program; surprised to win the South's applause, interested in winning the North's admiration; without conversion it falls silent.

At the time of Tuskegee's founding, it was nearly impossible for a Negro to enlist the sympathy and cooperation of the diverse elements that made up Washington's white South. But a decade later, in Atlanta slang, it came to fruition: “In all matters purely social, we may be five fingers apart, but in all matters essential to our common progress, we are like one hand.” This “Atlanta Compromise” was probably the most dramatic event in Washington's career. The South interpreted it differently: Radicals saw it as a total capitulation to claims of civil and political equality; Conservatives saw this as a generously designed framework for mutual understanding. So they all agreed, and its current author is undoubtedly the most important Southerner since Jefferson Davis and the man with the greatest personal following.

With this achievement comes the work of Mr. Washington is gaining space and attention in the North. Others, less clever and quick-witted, who had previously attempted to sit on these two benches, fell under them; but like Mr. Washington, he knew the heart of the South from birth and through his training, and through his unique vision he intuitively grasped the zeitgeist that was gripping the North. He speaks and thinks so well about the ideals of victorious commerce and material prosperity that the image of a lonely black boy learning French grammar in the weeds and dirt of an abandoned house quickly ridicules him. .One wonders what Socrates of Assisi and Saint Francis would say.

However, this unique vision and complete correspondence with his age is what distinguishes a successful man. It is as if nature had to constrict people in order to strengthen them. Hence the devotion to Mr. Washington had an unquestioned following, his work was amazingly successful, his friends were numerous, and his enemies bewildered. To this day he is the only recognized voice of his 10 million comrades and one of the most famous figures in a country of 70 million people. Hence one hesitates to criticize a life that has accomplished so much with so little. However, now is the time when people can speak honestly and with utter civility about Mr Trump's mistakes and omissions. Washington and its victories were not considered moody or jealous, nor did they forget that in the world it is easier to do bad than good.

Criticism of Mr. So Far. Washington hasn't always had this broad profile. In the South in particular, he had to tread carefully to avoid the toughest trials - of course, as he dealt with the most sensitive issues in the region. Twice—once at a Spanish-American War celebration in Chicago, when he referred to color prejudice “eroding Southern life,” and once at dinner with President Roosevelt—the resulting criticism of the South was severe enough to seriously jeopardize his popularity. In the North, this sentiment had to be articulated several times, namely, Mr. Washington ignored certain elements of true masculinity and his educational programs were unnecessarily narrow. However, this criticism was often not openly voiced, although the brainchild of abolitionists were unwilling to admit that the pre-Tuskegee schools, founded by men of high ideals and self-sacrifice, were wholly flawed or worthy. Laugh. However, criticism did not stop following Mr. Washington, the dominant mind of the planet, is more than happy to place the solution of a vexing problem in your hands and say, "If that is all you and your race are, demand it, accept it."

It was among his own people that Mr. Washington met the strongest and most obstinate opposition, sometimes to the point of bitterness, and to this day it remains strong and obstinate, though largely silent in the outward expressions of national opinion. Of course, part of that antagonism is just jealousy. The disappointment of a misguided demagogue and the malice of a narrow-minded mind. But beyond that, there is deep regret, sadness and concern at the widespread acceptance and dominance of some of Mr Trump's members among educated and thoughtful people of color across the country. Washington won. They are the same people who admire your sincerity and are willing to forgive you much for your honest efforts to do something worthwhile. They worked with Mr. Washington as much as possible; indeed, this was no ordinary compliment for the tact and power of the man who was guided by so many different interests and opinions and, for the most part, commanded everyone's respect.

But silencing the criticism of an honest opponent is a dangerous business. It caused some of the best critics to fall into pathetic silence and be easily paralyzed, while others erupted into impassioned and self-indulgent speeches that lost their audiences. Honest and sincere criticism from those whose interests are most affected - readers criticize writers, the ruled criticize governments, and the governed criticize leaders - is the soul of democracy and the guarantee of modern society. When the best of black Americans, under external pressure, embrace a leader they never knew before, there is clearly a tangible win. But there is also an irreparable loss - the loss of a particularly valuable education that a group receives when, through search and criticism, it finds and appoints its own leaders. How to do this is both the most fundamental and the most beautiful problem of social development. History is but the record of such leaders; but how varied are their types and qualities! Of all things, what could be more inspiring than leading a group within a group? - The strange double proof that real progress can be negative and real progress is relative regression. All this is the inspiration and despair of social students.

Now the Negroes of America have had a salutary experience in the selection of squad leaders in the past, and have thus built up a peculiar dynasty which is worth studying in its present form. When sticks, stones, and animals constitute a people's only environment, their attitude is largely one of determined opposition and conquest of the forces of nature. But when the environment of people and spirit is added to the earth and animals, the attitude of the imprisoned groups can take three main forms: - A sense of defiance and revenge; an attempt to tailor every thought and action to the will of the larger group or, finally, a determined effort at self-realization and self-development, regardless of the opinions of those around. The influence of all these attitudes at different times can be traced back to the history of black America and the evolution of its successive leaders.

Before 1750, when the flames of African freedom still burned in the veins of slaves, all who led or attempted to lead had only one motive of rebellion and revenge - in the form of the dreaded sorrel, black dane and stono. Cato is represented . , and spread fears of rebellion across America. Liberalization tendencies in the second half of the 18th century and more friendly relations between blacks and whites gave rise to the idea of ​​eventual adaptation and assimilation. This desire finds its particular expression in the heartfelt songs of Phyllis, the martyrdom of Attax, the struggles of Salem and Poole, the intellectual achievements of Banneker and Durham, and the political appeals of the Krafts.

The strong economic and social pressures of the post-war period dampened the initial humanitarian enthusiasm. Black frustration and impatience with slavery and the persistence of servitude was manifest in both movements. Southern slaves, no doubt stimulated by vague rumors of a Haitian rebellion, made three violent attempts at insurrection, under Gabriel in 1800 in Virginia, under Vesey in Carolina in 1822, and under Vesey in 1831 years in Virginia under the dreaded Nattner. In the Free State, on the other hand, new attempts at self-development were undertaken. In Philadelphia and New York, color rules led to the withdrawal of black believers from white churches and the formation of a special socio-religious institution among blacks, the Church of Africa—one in a million men.

Walker's wild appeal against the tide of time shows how the world is changing after the arrival of the cotton gin. By 1830, slavery seemed hopelessly established in the South, and the slaves succumbed to utter fear. Inspired by mestizo immigrants from the West Indies, free blacks in the North began to change the basis of their entitlement; they recognized the servitude of slaves but insisted that they were free men and sought assimilation and integration into the nation on the same terms as anyone else. Thus the Forten and Purvis of Philadelphia, the Shad of Wilmington, the Du Bois of New Haven, the Barbadoes of Boston, and others, they said, fought alone or together as men, not as slaves, not as "negroes." However, the trend of the time declined to recognize them and, barring isolated cases and exceptional cases, regarded them as belonging to all despised Negroes, who soon found it difficult to maintain even the rights they previously had to freely choose as men work and act . .Among them were immigrants and colonial planners, but they refused to take them in, eventually turning to the abolitionist movement as a last resort.

Here began a new period of self-assertion and self-development under the leadership of Remond, Nell, Wells-Brown and Douglass. Certainly, liberty and assimilation were ultimately the leaders' ideals, but black people's fight for male rights for themselves was the most important credibility, and John Brown's attacks were the extremes of his logic. The great image of Frederick Douglass, America's greatest black leader, continues to lead the military post war and emancipation. Assertiveness, particularly along the political line, was the main agenda, with Douglas standing behind Elliott, Bruce and Langston and the Reconstruction politicians, and the less visible but more socially significant Alexander Crume Bishop Bill and Daniel Payne.

With it came the 1876 revolution, the suppression of black suffrage, the change and transformation of ideals, and the search for a new light in the big night. Douglas, even in his later years, still bravely defended his ideals of masculinity - the ultimate assimilation through self-affirmation and not through other terms. For a while, Price emerged as the new leader, seemingly destined not to give up but to reaffirm old ideals in a form less offensive to white Southerners. But he died on high. Then there are new leaders. Almost all of the former became leaders by the silent vote of their fellows, sought to lead their people alone, and, with the exception of Douglas, were generally little known outside of their race. But Booker T. Washington was not really the leader of one race, but the leader of two races - the mediator between the South, the North and the Negro. Of course, blacks initially resented signs of compromise and the surrender of their civil and political rights, even if it was for greater economic opportunity. The rich and dominant North, however, was not only weary of racial issues, but also invested heavily in Southern businesses and welcomed any opportunity for peaceful cooperation. And so began the Negroes in the national mind Mr. Washington; critical voices were also silenced.

Men's. Washington's black thoughts represent old adjustments and conformist attitudes, but fitting for such a special moment, they make your show unique. This is an unusual time for economic development, sir. Washington so naturally adopts an economic tone, a boon to jobs and money, that it almost seems to overshadow the greater purpose of life. Furthermore, this is an era in which advanced races are increasingly coming into contact with backward races and racial perceptions are thereby being sharpened; and Mr. Washington's show actually deals with the so-called inferiority of the black race. In our own country, too, emotional responses to wartime fueled racial prejudice against black people, and Mr. Washington withdrew many of the high demands made of black men and American citizens. During other periods of heightened prejudice, the whole tendency toward black self-assertion was awakened; in this period a policy of subordination was advocated. In the history of almost every other race and people, in such crises the doctrine has been preached that self-respect is worth more than lands and houses, and that a people who willingly give up that respect or stop striving for it will not be worth it. civilized.

In response, it was claimed that blacks could only survive if they submitted. Men's. Washington clearly urged Negroes to forgo, at least temporarily, three things:

First, political power,

The second is to uphold civil rights,

Third, higher education for black youth,

– to focus all his energies on industrial formation, wealth accumulation and the reconciliation of the South. This policy has been bravely pursued for more than fifteen years, victoriously for perhaps ten years. What is the result of offering palm branches this time? Happened over the years:

1. Ban black people from voting.

2. The legal determination of the inferior status of black citizens.

3. The continued withdrawal of black college aid from institutions.

These actions are certainly not a direct result of Mr. Washington; but his publicity no doubt helped him get there quicker. The question then arises: if nine million people are politically disenfranchised, reduced to a slave caste and given the slightest chance to develop their outstanding human beings, is it possible for them to make real economic progress? If history and reason give an unequivocal answer to these questions, it must be no. And so Mr. Washington faced the triple paradox of his career:

1. He nobly attempted to turn black artisans into merchants and landowners; but under modern methods of competition it is simply impossible for workers and landowners to defend their rights and survive without the right to vote.

2. He insists on thrift and self-respect while advising silence about civic inferiority, which in the long run will inevitably weaken the masculinity of any race.

3. He defends community and industrial school education and denigrates institutions of higher learning; but if there were not professors trained in colored colleges or trained by colored graduates, common colored schools and schools, and kigi itself, could not remain open.

This triple paradox of Mr. Washington has been criticized by two categories of people of color. A class descended in spirit from the messianic Toussaint via Gabriel, Vesey and Turner, holds attitudes of defiance and revenge; explicit action that the only hope for blacks lies in emigration outside the United States. Ironically, however, nothing has done more to make this plan seem more hopeless than recent United States actions against the weaker and darker peoples of the West Indies, Hawaii and the Philippines - for where in the world can we go and break away from lies and violence ?

Another category of black people who disagree with Mr. So far, Washington has hardly commented. They despise scattered advice and internally divided views; they especially dislike using just criticism of a useful and sincere man as a pretext for general malice against narrow-minded opponents. But the problems involved are so fundamental and serious that it is hard to imagine how men like the Grimkes, Kelly Miller, J.W.E. Bowen and other representatives of this group could be silenced much longer. These people feel obligated to ask the country three things.

1. Voting Rights.

2 Citizenship.

3 Young people teach students according to their suitability.

They recognize the valuable services of Lord. Washington advises patience and courtesy with such requests. They do not encourage ignorant Negroes to vote when ignorant whites are excluded, nor do they impose any reasonable restrictions on voting rights. This leads to severe discrimination against Negroes, but they also know, and this country knows, that this is implacable. Color prejudice is often a cause, rather than a consequence, of Negro depravity; the Christian church, every institution of social power, promotes and tolerates them systematically. They defend, with Mr. Washington, extensive black public school system supplemented with extensive industrial training; but to their amazement, a man with Mr. Washington was unaware that no educational system could and existed upon anything other than well-resourced colleges and universities, and insisted that some of those institutions were needed throughout the South to to bring out the best minds as teachers, professionals and leaders of black youth.

The group greets Mr. Washington's forgiving attitude toward whites in the South, their acceptance of the "Atlanta Promise" in its broadest sense -- no easy task for a region already suffering the heavy burden. Yet they insisted that the road to truth and justice lay in direct honesty, not indiscriminate flattery. Take advantage of the opportunities available and challenge those around you to do the same, but at the same time remember that these ideals can only be realized through a firm adherence to your highest ideals and aspirations. They do not expect immediate free suffrage, civil rights and the right to education; they don't want years of prejudice and prejudice about the trumpets to go away; but they are right that a people do not acquire legitimate rights by voluntary surrender, but insist not to will; the way for a people to gain respect is not by constantly belittling and laughing at themselves; on the contrary, black people must constantly insist that modern manhood requires voting, in season or out of season. and this colorism is barbaric. Yes, black boys need education just as much as white boys do.

If the Negro-American ideological class fails to articulate clearly and unequivocally the legitimate demands of its people, even at the expense of a respectable leader, it will evade a grave responsibility - to itself and to the masses. In struggle lies a responsibility to those dark races whose future depends so much on America's experiences, and especially to this country, this common home. It is wrong to encourage a person or a group of people to do evil; it is wrong to support and encourage national crime just because it is unpopular not to do so. The growing spirit of friendship and reconciliation between North and South after the terrible divisions of a generation ago should be a source of deepest congratulations to all, especially those whose abuses led to the war; but if the signs of that reconciliation were industrial servitude, and if these negroes, by virtue of the civil death of these negroes, legislative inferiority, these negroes, if they were men, would be called upon, for all reasons of patriotism and loyalty, to abstain from such practices upon all civilized Ways to resist, even when such resisting a disagreement with Mr. Booker T. Washington. We have no right to sit still while the seeds of the inevitable are sown, wreaking havoc on our children, black and white.

First, blacks have a responsibility to keep a sharp eye on the South. Today's Southerners should not be hated or blamed for being irresponsible to the past. Moreover, indiscriminate support for recent Southern practices against blacks is more repugnant to any class than the best of Southern thoughts. The South is not "solid"; it is a fermented land of social change where forces vie for supremacy; and it is as wrong to praise the evils the South is doing today as it is to condemn good deeds. Discriminatory and open criticism is what the South needs - it needs it for its own white sons and daughters to ensure healthy psychological and moral development.

Today, even Southern whites' attitudes toward blacks are not the same in all situations, as many believe; ignorant Southerners hate blacks, workers fear his competition, money-makers want him as a worker, some educated people see his advancement as a threat, while others—usually the boss's son—want to help him get back on his feet. National opinion permitted the latter class to maintain common schools for Negroes and to protect Negro property, life, and bodies to a certain degree. Under pressure from the money-makers, the negro was in danger of being half-enslaved, especially in rural areas; Workers and educated people, afraid of the Negro, banded together to call for his deportation, and some called for his deportation. And the ignorant are easily inspired to lynch and mistreat every Negro. It is absurd to praise this complicated tangle of ideas and prejudices; it is unfair to indiscriminately attack the "South"; and in the same spirit praising Governor Aycock, debunking Senator Morgan and using Mr. Thomas Nelson Page and denigrating Senator Ben Tillman is not only reasonable but a thinking black imperative.

That's not fair, sir. Washington was unaware that it had repeatedly campaigned against South injustice toward blacks. He sent letters to the constitutional conventions of Louisiana and Alabama speaking out against lynching, and in other ways publicly and tacitly increased his influence against sinister conspiracies and unfortunate events. Equally true, however, is the clear impression made by the Lord. First, Washington believed that the current attitude toward blacks in the South was justified by their depravity; second, the main reason blacks didn't rise faster was his wrong upbringing in the past; third, his future advancement depended chiefly on his own efforts. Each of these claims is a dangerous half-truth. Complementary truths must not be overlooked: First, slavery and racial prejudice are strong, if not sufficient, causes of Negro status; second, education in industry and in plantation public schools is inevitably slow because they have to wait. This is very doubtful whether there could have been a fundamentally different development of the Negro teachers and of course Tuskegees was unthinkable before 1880; just as true unless his endeavors were not only aided, but also inspired and encouraged by the initiatives of the wealthiest and wealthiest. A great success for the more environmentally conscious target group cannot be expected.

Failing to make the final impression, Mr. Above all, Washington deserves criticism. His doctrine tended to lead whites, North and South, to shift the burden of the Negro problem onto Negro shoulders and stand by as critical and somewhat pessimistic bystanders. None of our hands are clean when it comes to righting this colossal wrong.

The South must be led, through sincere and honest criticism, to stand up for its better self and to do all it can for the race it has brutally harmed and continues to harm. The North - your fellow debtor - cannot save your conscience by painting it gold. We cannot solve this problem through diplomacy and gentleness, only through "politics". If the worst happens, can this country's moral fabric survive the slow strangulation and murder of nine million people?

The Negroes of America have a duty to do this, a grave but delicate duty—a forward movement against some of the works of their greatest leaders. Inasmuch as Mr. Washington preached economy, patience, and industrial training to the masses, we must raise our hands to fight against him and rejoice in his honor and in this covenant called of God and man to lead a headless army proud of Ya's strength is. But as for Mr. Washington apologizes for the injustices of North or South, fails to honor the privilege and duty of voting, downplays the castrating effects of caste differences, and opposes the superior education and ambition of our brightest minds - as long as he, the South or the nation , does this – we. They must be fought relentlessly and decisively. We must strive by every civilized and peaceful means for the rights which the world bestowed upon man, standing steadfast in the great words that fathers' children will gladly forget: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.” ; and they were given certain inalienable rights by their Maker; this includes life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.”

Cast iron: W.E. Burghardt du Bois,black soul(Chicago, 1903).

See also:Booker T. Washington delivered the compromise speech in Atlanta in 1895
Making the Atlanta commitment: Booker T. Washington invited to speak
"Two races are equal and just": Booker T. Washington reacts to his compromise speech in Atlanta
"Put Your Keg Where You Are": Booker T. Washington's Atlanta Promise Speech